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As a result, the heads of the two countries refused to meet with Koizumi, and there were no mutual visits between Chinese and Japanese leaders after October 2001 and between South Korean and Japanese leaders after June 2005. The President of South Korea, Roh Moo-hyun, had suspended all summit talks between South Korea and Japan until 2008 when he resigned from office. The former prime minister, Shinzō Abe, has made several visits to the shrine, the most recent being in December 2013.
Sports Toto and Sports Proto offer limited forms of sports betting and sites operating from Korea that use agents to collect and pay are highly illegal. Accordingly, a law was enacted in 1949 to establish the Special Investigative Commission on Antinational Activities, which would identify, arrest, and prosecute the suspect collaborators. The 사설토토 commission, however, never finished its investigations due to the sabotage and resistance of Rhee's administration, especially the police force staffed largely by former bureaucrats in the colonial government. Insufficient lustration at this time would come back, time and again, to haunt the founding legitimacy of the South Korean regime.

If sorting was improved at material recovery facilities , an estimated 3.5 billion additional aluminum beverage cans could be collected for recycling, CMI says. The organization issued a report in 2020 finding that up to 1 in 4 UBCs are missorted at MRFs. Last year, with the financial support of Ardagh Metal Packaging and Crown Holdings and in conjunction with The Recycling Partnership, grants were awarded to five MRFs for can capture equipment that will enable the capture of 71 million aluminum beverage cans per year.
296, 300 (“Aversive constitutionalism, then, is backward looking, proceeding from a critique of where past institutions and principles went badly wrong and taking such critiques as the negative building block of a new constitutional order”). 143 Needless to say, this refers to the colonial institution of identifying Koreans. Yet, in order to discern exactly who is meant by those having “Korean family registry” status, yet another administrative ordinance had to be consulted. 135 In the end, a vote was taken, and the proposal to replace kukmin with inmin was defeated.
This involvement may be merely gentle suggestions or inducements to adopt certain principles. It may amount to more forceful interventions or an outright imposition of concrete provisions. In response, domestic constitutional actors may take a variety of stances ranging from compliance and cooperation to objection and opposition, to sabotage and subterfuge. 37 Whatever the cause, and whether or not it is conducive to the long-term development of constitutional democracy, this process—by which the people's boundaries are reshuffled and redefined in the course of constitutional founding—deserves careful scrutiny. 36 in postcommunist Central and East European states also involved measures for redefining the boundaries of the people, to the extent that ideology was replaced by ethnicity as the criterion for membership.

Instead, the majority of the new  industrial capitalists, whose operations became today's chaebol, would hail from among the new upstarts with crony political connections to the government. 61 These tendencies were a reflection of both the uneasy truce between the right- and left-wing segments within the independence movement and the influence of Chinese republican experiments. The KPG legacy left an indelible mark on the constitutional rights regime introduced by the numerous official and private draft constitutions between 1945 and 1948, including the Yu Chin-o draft that was adopted as the base text by the Constituent National Assembly in 1948. These provisions of the Founding Constitution were quite striking, even compared with the new Constitution of Japan which also featured a rich array of socioeconomic rights. In terms of ideas, the inspiration came directly from the constitutional experiences of the Korean Provisional Government established by leaders of the independence movement in China. The KPG constitution, first drafted in 1919 and revised five times thereafter, had a strong dose of socialist tendencies in its rights provisions, which were justified in terms of the “Principle of Three Equalities” (Samkyunjuŭi).
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That the word kokumin had a conservative connotation at the time is also borne out by the fact the conservative government leaders deliberately chose it over a different word with unwanted progressive overtones. When the government was first preparing a translation of the SCAP draft, the Foreign Ministry had initially chosen jinmin as the Japanese rendering of the English word “people.” Yet, the final version of the government draft replaced it with kokumin. Apparently, jinmin had a socialist or communist flavor and conveyed a sense of the people resisting authority, whereas kokumin had a less adversarial connotation of a people harmoniously merged with the state. Deliberations on article 4, regarding the territory of Korea, presented another occasion for convoluted negotiations with the past. 101 Building on a similar categorization, SKILA soon afterward enacted a special ordinance for the punishment of “traitors, collaborators, and profiteers.” This, however, failed to secure the USAMGIK approval required for its effectuation.
Zainichi communities are split based upon affiliation with North or South Korea . It is claimed that two or three of the leaders of the smaller organized crime syndicates found on a list of more than twenty such groups as specified by the National Police Agency in Japan may be ethnic Koreans. Koreans are the third largest group of foreign nationals living in Japan, before the Chinese, Filipinos, and after the Brazilians and Peruvians. Japan claims that Western countries named it the "Sea of Japan" prior to 1860, before the growth of Japanese influence over Korean foreign policy after the outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War in 1894.

6 Self-determination for the people became the sine qua non for successful constitution making in the postwar, postcolonial world. At long last, it appears that “You the People” of the nineteenth century has given way to “We the People” in the twentieth century. Denmark remains among the world’s leading economies in digital talent and training and education. And yet, executives’ perceptions about whether or not immigration laws constrain the competitiveness of the country’s private sector were worse than last year.
22 While a comprehensive answer to these questions will not be attempted here, the first step, in our view, would be to recognize that constituting a people is itself a complex process that needs to be unpacked and analyzed in greater detail. To be more specific, the people's purported “authorship” actually may be a culmination of several external and/or preconstitutional factors that lie well beyond the people themselves. This points to the need for an approach that can shed light on the complex process of constitution making in which a people comes into being even as “it” authors a constitution. We are thus interested in the ways in which higher lawmaking and “people” building entail each other.
By most  accounts, one is done autonomously and, therefore, is legitimate, while the other heteronomously and, thus, illegitimate. The deficiency that foreign imposition represents cannot be cured no matter how well intentioned it may be or how eagerly it is accepted by the locals. This belief is deeply rooted in the modern doctrine of popular sovereignty in which constitution making is an exercise of people's originary and unfathomable “constituent power,” or pouvoir constituant à la Sieyès.